The evolution of India’s foreign policy traces its roots back to the pre-independence period when the Indian National Congress established a foreign policy department in 1932. This department was chaired by Jawaharlal Nehru, with Ram Manohar Lohia serving as its secretary. In reality, no nation can afford to adopt an isolationist stance in its global interactions, given the complexities of international relations. This is especially true for countries like India, which have consistently viewed themselves as active participants in global affairs, striving not only to safeguard their national interests but also to serve as stewards of collective wisdom and advocates for the well-being of humanity.
Several factors have shaped India’s foreign policy over time. These include the country’s vast size, cultural and historical diversity, its geographical proximity to numerous nations, and the expectations of countries in Asia and Africa, which look to India to represent their concerns on the global stage. Additionally, the visionary outlook of Indian leaders has propelled the country to play an influential role in international politics.
When analyzing the evolution of India’s foreign policy, two interconnected tendencies stand out as key milestones. First, during its formative years post-independence, India’s foreign policy was heavily influenced by moralistic ideals and global concerns, often taking precedence over the practical needs of national interests. In this phase, India adopted an idealistic approach to international relations, seeking to provide leadership to newly independent nations in Asia and Africa. This vision, however, was sometimes ambivalent, lacking a focused strategy aimed solely at advancing national interests. The consequences of such an approach were evident, with India facing setbacks such as losing a decisive war and making compromises that impacted its national interests.
Second, after the era of Nehru, India’s foreign policy became more pragmatic, shaped by the harsh realities of national and global politics, as well as the personal preferences of leaders in power. While Non-Alignment remained a central tenet of India’s foreign policy, it was significantly challenged by the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace and Friendship in 1971, marking a departure from the principle. This shift illustrates that while national interests have remained consistent, the foundational principles and operational dynamics of India’s foreign policy have not always maintained the same level of permanence and consistency.
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Genesis of India’s Foreign Policy
During the prolonged period of British rule, India was often drawn into global politics to serve the national interests of Great Britain. Despite having limited stakes in international relations during the early 20th century, India was routinely involved in global affairs, ostensibly to strengthen Britain’s position on key issues. Interestingly, the positions taken by the British government on behalf of India frequently contradicted India’s own philosophical and ethical outlook on global matters. As a result, after some initial hesitation, the Indian National Congress became increasingly convinced of the need to establish a foreign affairs department within its organizational structure. This move was aimed at formulating an independent stance on important international issues and challenges. This marked the beginning of India’s foreign policy evolution, with Jawaharlal Nehru taking the lead in articulating Congress’s positions on key global matters, distinct from the colonial government’s stance.
With the growing strength of the national movement and the Congress’s increasing involvement in the governance of the country, the stage was set for India to play a more prominent role in international relations. A notable example of this shift was India’s participation in the deliberations at the San Francisco Conference, which resulted in the finalization and signing of the United Nations Charter in the aftermath of World War II.
As colonial rule drew to a close and Jawaharlal Nehru became the interim Prime Minister of India, his foreign policy vision became more defined and assertive. In a broadcast on 7 September 1946, Nehru outlined the guiding principles of India’s foreign policy for the years to come, presenting an idealistic and comprehensive vision. He sought to align India’s national interests with the pressing international challenges of the time, such as the end of colonialism, imperialism, and racism, while advocating for Non-alignment and greater solidarity among the newly independent nations of Asia and Africa. Nehru even proposed a one-sided plan for fostering close ties with neighboring countries, particularly China, despite the lack of reciprocal gestures from the giant neighbor. His lofty idealism in shaping India’s foreign policy, however, sometimes overlooked the harsh realities of international politics, where powerful nations often pursue their ambitions with little regard for the well-being of their neighbors.
Indian Freedom Movement and the Foreign Policy Values
India’s civilizational values, philosophy, culture, and rich history have collectively shaped the country’s worldview over centuries. Of course, there are complexities and contradictions within this long intellectual heritage regarding India’s role and place in the world.
In more modern times, British colonial rule had a profound impact on shaping India’s worldview. Firstly, leaders of the freedom struggle saw India’s independence as intrinsically linked to the freedom of other colonized peoples in Africa and Asia. It was widely believed that India must act as a catalyst for the freedom of all colonized nations. India’s own freedom would remain precarious as long as colonialism and racism persisted in other parts of Asia and Africa.
Secondly, the Indian freedom movement was rooted in the values of ahimsa (non-violence), satyagraha (truth force), and swadeshi (self-reliance). These values formed the core of India’s identity and would guide its foreign policy, ensuring that these ideals were not compromised in international relations.
Thirdly, India’s freedom movement was a popular, mass-driven effort. The struggle for independence united diverse segments of the population—different castes, linguistic groups, and communities—into a single, cohesive national movement. The partition of Bengal in 1905 had already stirred widespread unrest, and leaders such as Sri Aurobindo Ghosh, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi viewed the freedom struggle as deeply rooted in the people’s collective will. Over the years, millions participated in protests and resisted British repression and brutality.
Fourthly, the freedom movement gave rise to values that continue to shape India’s identity today, including equality, non-discrimination, freedom, social justice, and inclusive development for all peoples and nations. Mahatma Gandhi, having witnessed the effects of racism and apartheid in South Africa, understood the significance of fighting racial discrimination and oppression. The values born out of India’s struggle for freedom became the foundation of India’s foreign policy.
The circumstances and perceptions of India’s struggle for independence led leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and others to view India’s fight as part of a larger global struggle against colonialism and subjugation. As Jawaharlal Nehru stated on 7 September 1946, while outlining India’s worldview, “We are particularly interested in the emancipation of colonial and dependent countries and peoples.” This statement highlights one of the core principles of India’s evolving foreign policy, which remains relevant to this day. Nehru also rejected the Nazi ideology of racialism, underscoring India’s commitment to equality and freedom for all.
India’s worldview, shaped during the freedom movement, was not one of isolation but one of active engagement with the world based on principles of equality, freedom, and sovereignty. Nehru also emphasized that independent India would maintain ties with the British Commonwealth, recognizing the importance of economic and trade relations, which were centuries-old, for the development of a newly independent nation. In addition, India had close defense ties with Great Britain, and Nehru acknowledged that breaking away completely from these ties could create gaps in India’s military preparedness.
Thus, the values forged in the struggle for independence became the guiding principles of India’s foreign policy, shaping the nation’s approach to global affairs in the years following independence.
Indian National Congress and the Evolution of India’s Worldview
The British colonial administration had a profound impact on India, introducing systems such as the judiciary, an all-India civil service, an administrative structure, the census, railways, the postal system, a taxation framework, new agricultural crops, and textile mills. These changes contributed to the growth of an ‘Indian’ consciousness and the idea of India as a unified nation. The Indian National Congress emerged as a product of this rising national awareness.
The Indian National Congress (INC) frequently discussed international issues at its annual sessions, and over time, this shaped the development of India’s worldview concerning nationalism and internationalism. In 1919, Mahatma Gandhi expressed his support for the restoration of the Khilafat in Turkey, intertwining an international issue with India’s own struggle against British colonial rule. He linked the demand for the restoration of the Ottoman Caliphate with the Non-Cooperation Movement, which was launched in opposition to British repression, such as the Rowlatt Act and the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. In 1920, during the Nagpur Session of the INC, Gandhi merged the pursuit of Swaraj with the Khilafat issue, adopting a non-cooperation strategy to achieve both goals.
As early as 1921, the 36th Annual Session of the Indian National Congress, held in Ahmedabad under the presidency of Hakim Ajmal Khan, included a resolution addressing international developments. Gandhi remarked on the occasion, “Indeed, while we are maturing our plans for Swaraj, we are bound to consider and define our foreign policy. Surely, we are bound authoritatively to tell the world what relations we wish to cultivate with it.”
In 1938, during the Haripura Session, the Congress passed a resolution advocating for two key principles to be incorporated into India’s foreign policy: universal disarmament and collective security. These principles remain foundational to Indian foreign policy. The resolution declared, “The people of India desire to live in peace and friendship with their neighbours and with all other countries, and for this purpose wish to remove all causes of conflict between them… A free India will gladly associate itself with such an order and stand for disarmament and collective security.” It further emphasized that such goals could not be realized under colonial domination or imperialistic control, stating that “In order, therefore, to establish world peace on an enduring basis, imperialism and exploitation of one people by another must end.”
After India’s independence, the Indian National Congress continued to pass resolutions during its sessions addressing India’s global stance. In the 55th Session held in Jaipur in 1948, the resolution declared the Congress’s commitment to the promotion of world peace, the freedom of all nations, racial equality, and the abolition of imperialism and colonialism. Even after independence, the Congress maintained its focus on shaping India’s foreign policy in line with the principles of peace, equality, and global cooperation.
Nehru’s Period
Jawaharlal Nehru is widely regarded as the architect of India’s foreign policy. Serving as both the Prime Minister and the first Foreign Minister for an extended period, Nehru shaped the country’s foreign policy in ways that continue to resonate even seven decades after India’s independence. It is often argued that Nehru was an idealist, and that the foreign policy he envisioned for India reflected his moral worldview more than it did a strategy aimed at advancing the country’s core national interests.
Nehru’s commitment to Afro-Asian solidarity in the face of Western pressures naturally aligned India with anti-imperialist and anti-colonial movements, fostering greater cooperation among newly independent nations in Asia and Africa. At the same time, as India emerged from colonial rule, the international landscape was dominated by the Cold War, which was rapidly involving more and more countries. In this context, Nehru, alongside leaders from Egypt, Indonesia, and Yugoslavia, helped develop the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), which aimed to preserve the autonomy of developing nations in making independent decisions about global challenges, without aligning with either of the two power blocs.
Non-alignment, conceptually, represented the independence of nations to engage in global issues on their own terms, free from the influence of the superpowers. This policy became the doctrinal cornerstone of India’s foreign relations. Additionally, Nehru’s unwavering belief in the United Nations as a crucial force for international peace and security, as well as a forum for peacefully resolving disputes, was central to India’s foreign policy. This belief was demonstrated when Nehru decided to refer the Kashmir issue to the UN Security Council in 1948.
In terms of India’s relations with its neighbors, Nehru’s foreign policy was guided by the principles of ‘panchsheel’—five key doctrines that were meant to govern India’s interactions with its neighbors. These principles included respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in internal affairs, mutually beneficial relationships based on equality, and peaceful coexistence. Nehru placed great faith in panchsheel, believing that India’s neighbors, especially China, would uphold these values as well. However, this optimistic view of China’s intentions proved to be costly for India, as the country was caught off guard by China’s aggression in the 1962 border war.
Thus, during its formative years, India’s foreign policy was significantly shaped by Nehru’s personal idealism and his socialist commitments, often at the expense of prioritizing the nation’s strategic interests in the complex and harsh realities of global politics.
Nehruvian Consensus
The concept of the “Nehruvian Consensus” is often discussed by scholars of Indian foreign policy. This consensus was rooted in the ideals and principles that evolved during India’s struggle for independence. Anti-racism, anti-apartheid, and anti-imperialism were core values that emerged from the Gandhian worldview. For Mahatma Gandhi, the fight for political freedom was more than a political struggle—it was a means to achieve moral and cultural regeneration of Indian society and civilization. Nehru, influenced by these Gandhian ideals, combined them with the vision of a modern, sovereign, and independent India that would pursue rapid economic development to lift its people out of poverty and hunger, and secure its rightful place in the global community.
Nehru’s foreign policy emphasized strengthening multilateral institutions, international law, collective security, diplomacy, peaceful dispute resolution, disarmament, and respect for national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Leaders like Nehru, Subhash Chandra Bose, and Rabindranath Tagore closely observed the intense ideological and political struggles between democracy, socialism, and fascism between the two World Wars. The use of brute force in international relations was widespread during this period, but Nehru rejected such power politics. He understood that, after World War II, the norms of power politics would continue to prevail, leading to the Cold War rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. As a result, Nehru championed the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) as a way to avoid aligning with either of the two superpowers.
Some scholars see Non-alignment as an idealistic, even empty moral stance, while others view it as a practical response grounded in Realism. Non-alignment, in this view, represented the strategy of a large country capable of leading the developing world, but without the material capabilities of a great power. India refused to join the ideological blocs and military alliances of the Cold War, thus asserting its independence and offering a voice of reason amidst the pressures to choose sides. Non-alignment rejected the power politics, bloc politics, proxy wars, and arms races that defined the Cold War era.
The debate about Nehru’s foreign policy—whether he was an idealist who based India’s foreign relations on moral principles, or a Realist focused on navigating the dangers of a bipolar world—remains unresolved. By embracing Non-alignment, Nehru sought to change the dynamics of the international system while protecting India’s national interests. Non-alignment ensured India’s autonomy in foreign policy, a principle that continues to guide the country’s approach today.
For nearly two decades after independence, the Nehruvian Consensus shaped Indian foreign policy, providing a comprehensive and coherent view of the world and India’s place in it. Amidst the arms race, proxy wars, and global spheres of influence, Non-alignment offered a distinct alternative. It allowed India to maintain relations with both the United States and the Soviet Union, seek American help for industrialization and food security, and build good relations with the Soviet Union. It also facilitated India’s approach to Pakistan, while maintaining a firm stance on the Kashmir issue, and helped Nehru develop the Panchsheel principles for relations with China. Through its active role in the United Nations and other international organizations, India influenced global norms and values.
However, critics argue that the “Nehruvian Consensus” was overly idealistic and disconnected from the harsh realities of international politics. They point to Nehru’s neglect of national security, which led to India’s defeat in the 1962 war with China, as a major flaw. By the 1970s, the international landscape had changed significantly, and the space for Non-alignment shrank. The Cold War had intensified, with the threat of mutually assured destruction (MAD) hanging over the world. Both superpowers sought to reduce tensions through détente, and India’s own capabilities had evolved in terms of military, economic, and strategic strength.
In this new environment, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, more pragmatic and realistic than Nehru, adjusted India’s foreign policy to reflect the changing global realities. India had grown more confident, as evidenced by the 1971 Indo-Soviet defense treaty, the liberation of Bangladesh, and the 1974 Pokhran nuclear tests. Indira Gandhi’s diplomatic acumen helped secure the support of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Soviet bloc, marking a shift in India’s foreign policy direction. This period ultimately marked the decline of the “Nehruvian Consensus” and the emergence of a more Realist approach to India’s international outlook in the 1970s.
India’s Foreign Policy During the Cold War
This section explores the evolution of India’s foreign policy during the Cold War, particularly in the post-Nehruvian era, under the leadership of five Prime Ministers: Lal Bahadur Shastri, Indira Gandhi, Morarji Desai, Charan Singh, and Rajiv Gandhi.
After Jawaharlal Nehru’s passing, Lal Bahadur Shastri became Prime Minister. Though Shastri’s tenure was short, it was significant enough to influence the course of India’s foreign policy. Shastri’s leadership during the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War, particularly his role in boosting the morale of the Indian Army, was pivotal in securing India’s victory. Despite the challenges faced during the Tashkent peace talks, where India’s position was compromised, Shastri’s handling of the crisis elevated him to a heroic status in both domestic and foreign affairs. Given Shastri’s involvement in Nehru’s administration, it is likely that his foreign policy approach would not have deviated significantly from the established norms if his time in office had been longer.
However, significant changes occurred in Indian foreign policy during Indira Gandhi’s time as Prime Minister. Initially, she continued the traditional foreign policy approach, but the growing challenges—especially during the 1971 crisis in East Pakistan—highlighted the limitations of Nehruvian principles such as Non-alignment and Panchsheel. Indira Gandhi recognized that India’s socialist leanings had already created unease within the American administration, particularly under President Nixon. In this context, she opted for a shift in India’s foreign policy, moving closer to the Soviet Union. In 1971, India signed a Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the USSR, a move that provided crucial support during the Indo-Pakistan War and in the UN Security Council. This marked a significant departure from Nehruvian idealism, as India’s foreign policy began to prioritize national interests over the traditional Non-alignment framework.
After the war, Indira Gandhi signed the Shimla Agreement with Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, aiming to bring the Kashmir issue back to bilateral negotiations instead of UN mediation. Additionally, she made the bold decision to dismantle the Nehruvian stance of India’s non-nuclear policy by overseeing the successful nuclear test at Pokhran in 1974, signaling to the world—particularly China—that India could no longer be regarded as a passive or weak nation. Indira Gandhi’s foreign policy, therefore, exhibited characteristics of Realism, where national interests and security took precedence over ideological considerations.
The brief period of the Janata Party government under Prime Ministers Morarji Desai and Charan Singh did not result in significant shifts in India’s foreign policy. Although Desai’s government opposed India’s pro-Soviet tilt and promised a more “genuine” Non-alignment, the term was never clearly defined, and no substantial changes occurred. Similarly, during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, the Janata government failed to take a decisive stance, largely due to the political instability within the government. As a result, Indian foreign policy during this period continued along the lines set by Indira Gandhi’s administration.
Indira Gandhi’s return to power in 1980 saw no significant departure from her previous approach. However, with the arrival of Rajiv Gandhi as Prime Minister in 1984, India’s foreign policy experienced some changes. Rajiv Gandhi was particularly focused on resolving long-standing ethnic conflicts both within India and in neighboring countries. Domestically, his government brokered peace agreements such as the Assam Accord, the Mizo Accord, and the Rajiv-Longowal Accord for Punjab. On the international front, Rajiv Gandhi’s most ambitious and controversial move was the Sri Lankan Peace Accord, which led to the deployment of Indian Peace Keeping Forces (IPKF) in Sri Lanka in an attempt to restore peace in the northern region of the country. However, this interventionist approach was met with significant opposition, and the IPKF’s failure to achieve its objectives, along with the loss of Indian soldiers’ lives, made the operation a source of domestic and international criticism. The Sri Lankan Peace Accord became a symbol of Rajiv Gandhi’s foreign policy missteps, as it ultimately proved damaging to India’s national interests and strained relations with Sri Lanka.
In summary, India’s foreign policy during the Cold War evolved significantly, particularly after Nehru’s passing. Under Indira Gandhi, India moved away from the Nehruvian idealism of Non-alignment, embracing a more Realist approach focused on national security and global positioning. Rajiv Gandhi’s tenure marked a more interventionist phase, though his policies faced challenges that underscored the complexities of foreign diplomacy in an increasingly globalized and volatile world.
India’s Foreign Policy During the 1990s
The 1990s were a decade of profound changes in the global political landscape, with significant implications for India’s foreign policy. The decade began with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, marking the end of the bipolar world order and the emergence of a unipolar world dominated by the United States. The collapse of the Soviet Union caught many countries, including India, off guard, as they had to quickly adjust to the new geopolitical realities. For India, two key pillars of its foreign policy—the policy of Non-alignment and the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace and Friendship—were now being questioned as outdated. India had to quickly realign its foreign policy to adapt to these rapid global changes.
The Indo-Soviet Treaty had provided India with a security buffer, but with the Soviet Union’s collapse, India’s foreign policy became increasingly vulnerable. Under Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao, India faced growing pressure from the United States to dismantle its nuclear and missile programs. The Rao government, often under U.S. pressure, frequently found itself adjusting its policies to accommodate American demands.
Amid these external pressures, India also confronted a severe domestic economic crisis. The country faced a foreign exchange shortage, unable to pay for its imports. In response, the Rao government launched a sweeping economic liberalization, marking a departure from the state-centric economic policies India had followed since independence. The process of globalization was sweeping across the world, and India had no choice but to embrace liberalization, privatization, and globalization (LPG) to address its economic challenges.
In terms of foreign economic policy, the Rao government introduced the ‘Look East’ policy, recognizing that in the age of economic globalization, India’s liberalizing economy needed to integrate more closely with the dynamic economies of Southeast Asia and East Asia. India also opened diplomatic relations with Israel for the first time. Additionally, the government began to address cross-border terrorism as a growing security threat, raising it in international forums.
Despite facing external pressure, particularly from the United States, which sought to expand its influence by pushing India to open its economy and curtail its nuclear program, the Rao administration took significant steps in global diplomacy. India co-sponsored the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the Fissile Material Cutoff Treaty (FMCT). It was also during Rao’s tenure that India and the U.S. began exploring defense cooperation, marking a shift in their bilateral relations.
The second half of the 1990s was dominated by coalition governments, which lacked the stability to implement major foreign policy shifts. In May 1996, Atal Bihari Vajpayee became Prime Minister, but his government lasted only 13 days. Subsequently, the United Front governments led by Prime Ministers H. D. Deve Gowda (June 1996-April 1997) and I. K. Gujral (April 1997-March 1998) came to power, but their tenures were too short and unstable to introduce any significant changes in foreign policy. During this period, foreign policy largely continued along the lines set by earlier administrations, with a focus on safeguarding national interests.
However, Prime Minister I. K. Gujral, with his extensive experience in foreign affairs, introduced a significant shift in India’s foreign policy known as the ‘Gujral Doctrine.’ This doctrine emphasized extending benefits to India’s neighbors, excluding Pakistan, on a non-reciprocal basis. The five key principles of the Gujral Doctrine were:
- No reciprocity required: India would provide assistance to neighbors such as Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives, and Sri Lanka without expecting anything in return, acting in good faith.
- No use of territory against any neighboring country: No South Asian nation would allow its territory to be used to undermine another country in the region.
- Non-interference in internal affairs: India pledged not to interfere in the domestic matters of its neighbors.
- Respect for territorial integrity: All nations in the region would respect each other’s territorial sovereignty.
- Peaceful resolution of disputes: Any disputes between South Asian nations would be resolved through peaceful bilateral negotiations.
While the 1990s saw major changes in India’s economic policies and its foreign relations, the Gujral Doctrine marked an important phase in India’s foreign policy, underscoring a commitment to regional cooperation and peace.
India’s Foreign Policy Under NDA – I
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government, under the leadership of veteran parliamentarian Atal Bihari Vajpayee, came to power in 1998. In a brief span of time, Vajpayee led three NDA governments. His first tenure as Prime Minister began on May 16, 1996, but he resigned 13 days later after losing the majority in the Lok Sabha. Vajpayee became Prime Minister for a second time in 1998, only to lose a no-confidence motion by a single vote in 1999. Following fresh elections, Vajpayee returned as Prime Minister on October 13, 1999, and served until the general elections in May 2004. Thus, the NDA government led by Vajpayee ruled in three distinct phases: in 1996, 1998-1999, and 1999-2004. The second phase of NDA governance began in 2014 with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, following a victory in the 2019 general elections.
Given that the BJP’s ideological and philosophical foundations differ from those of the Congress Party, it is natural that the NDA’s approach to both internal and external policies would differ as well. However, it is also important to recognize that foreign policy is often a product of broad national consensus, so a change of government does not necessarily lead to drastic shifts in foreign policy. Nevertheless, the arrival of the NDA government under Vajpayee brought significant changes to India’s strategic outlook. The two terms of Vajpayee’s leadership were marked by a series of transformations in India’s foreign policy, in alignment with the BJP’s ideological stance.
From day one, the Vajpayee government pursued a policy of closer cooperation with the United States, while also maintaining strong ties with Russia. Additionally, the government emphasized fostering good relations with South Asian neighbors, particularly Pakistan. One of the most significant developments of Vajpayee’s tenure was India’s nuclear tests at Pokhran in May 1998, which marked a turning point in India’s strategic posture.
Nuclear Test and Policy:
During Vajpayee’s first term in 1998, the NDA government focused on two major initiatives: pursuing nuclear weapons and improving relations with Pakistan. The BJP had long advocated for India to develop nuclear weapons, and on May 11, 1998, India conducted three nuclear tests at Pokhran in Rajasthan. With this series of tests—known as Pokhran-II—India declared itself a nuclear weapons state. Following the tests, India adopted a nuclear doctrine with three key principles: a voluntary moratorium on further tests, a policy of “no first use,” and the concept of “minimum credible deterrence.”
While India had made previous attempts to test nuclear weapons—under Indira Gandhi in 1982 and under Narasimha Rao in 1995—each time American intelligence had intervened, putting pressure on India to halt the tests. The Vajpayee government, however, successfully conducted the tests and declared India a nuclear power. Despite the international backlash and sanctions that followed, India’s political leadership and diplomacy ensured that the country was able to withstand the criticisms and maintain its stance as a responsible nuclear power.
Indo-US Relations:
Following the nuclear tests, India sought to engage the United States in a dialogue to improve bilateral relations. The U.S. leadership began to recognize India’s growing strategic importance, and in March 2000, President Bill Clinton visited India. This visit helped clarify India’s complex strategic position, particularly with regard to its nuclear policy. The U.S. also began to understand India’s security concerns, especially in the context of cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan. Additionally, India’s liberalizing economy opened up significant trade and investment opportunities for American businesses.
Relations with the U.S. took on a new strategic dimension after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. The U.S. became increasingly aware of the threat posed by international terrorism, particularly from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border region. India expressed its support for the U.S. in its fight against global terrorism. The December 13, 2001, terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament further highlighted the threat of cross-border terrorism and Pakistan’s use of terrorism as a strategic tool against India. The Bush administration began to view India as a strategic partner for peace and security in Asia and the wider Indian Ocean region. The U.S. saw India as a counterbalance to the rising influence of China and began engaging in strategic dialogues with India. The focus of this dialogue included civilian nuclear technology, space shields, and trade in dual-use technologies.
Under President George W. Bush, the U.S. lifted several sanctions imposed after the Pokhran-II tests, although some restrictions remained in place. In February 2003, India and the U.S. signed a framework agreement to boost trade in high-technology areas, including nuclear safeguards and safety measures. This marked the beginning of deeper cooperation, culminating in the civil nuclear energy agreement signed in 2005 under the subsequent UPA government led by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.
India-Pakistan Relations:
Vajpayee’s approach to Pakistan was marked by his belief that “you can change friends, not neighbors.” Recognizing this geographical reality, he made a historic effort to improve relations with Pakistan. Vajpayee famously traveled by bus to Lahore in February 1999 to meet his Pakistani counterpart, Nawaz Sharif. The Lahore Declaration raised hopes of resolving the long-standing Kashmir issue. However, in May 1999, the Kargil War broke out, marking the first military confrontation between two nuclear-armed countries. Pakistani troops had occupied positions in Kargil, leading to a conflict that brought tensions to a new level.
The war coincided with a political change in Pakistan, as General Pervez Musharraf overthrew Nawaz Sharif in a military coup in October 1999. Despite the setback, Vajpayee attempted to restart the peace process by inviting Musharraf to India in 2001 for talks in Agra. However, the summit failed as Pakistan insisted on addressing the Kashmir issue as the “core” dispute. Later that year, the Indian Parliament was attacked by terrorists, further souring relations. For a long time afterward, tensions remained high, but India began to forge closer ties with the U.S. and sought a strategic partnership with America.
Vajpayee’s tenure was a turning point in India’s foreign policy, marked by a combination of assertive nationalism, strategic diplomacy, and efforts to balance relations with global powers while addressing regional security challenges.
India’s Foreign Policy During UPA (2004-2014)
For a decade (2004-2014), the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA), under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, oversaw India’s foreign policy. Given the Congress party’s historical role in shaping India’s foreign policy, there was little expectation of a radical departure from established norms. However, the UPA government did not merely follow traditional practices; it sought to adapt and introduce new elements to align India’s foreign policy with the evolving global landscape. While many of these interventions were innovative, a few represented a break from the past, as the government aimed to more effectively meet national interests in a changing world.
One of the most significant shifts during the UPA period was the emphasis on economic goals in India’s foreign policy. In an increasingly globalized world, economic relations had become a central focus for nations worldwide, and India was no exception. The UPA government viewed foreign policy as a tool to advance India’s economic interests. The government’s push for sustained high economic growth formed the foundation of India’s identity as an emerging global power. Notable examples of this shift included the ‘Look East’ policy and India’s active participation in forums like BRICS. The ‘Look East’ policy was designed to engage with East Asian economic powers, while BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and later South Africa) represented a collective effort to reform the global governance architecture, driven by non-Western powers.
In addition to economic considerations, India’s foreign policy during the UPA era made significant progress in gaining access to restrictive technology regimes, reflecting a desire to integrate more fully into global technological and economic networks.
Since the 1990s, India’s foreign policy has become more institutionalized, with various mechanisms and departments helping shape long-term policy. In a world characterized by fluidity and uncertainty, it was critical for India’s foreign policy establishment to remain flexible and responsive to unforeseen developments. As a rising power, India needed a dynamic approach to safeguard its national interests. The UPA government maintained continuity with previous administrations, especially in its relations with neighboring countries and major powers like the U.S. and Russia. Over its ten years in power, the UPA saw several significant developments in India’s foreign relations.
India-Pakistan Relations:
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh met with Pakistan’s President General Pervez Musharraf on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in September 2004. The two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to peaceful resolutions to key issues, including Kashmir. Singh emphasized that, in a globalized world, borders should become less significant. Several confidence-building measures (CBMs) were introduced, including a troop reduction in Kashmir and agreements on nuclear safety measures. The two sides also addressed longstanding issues such as the Sir Creek maritime dispute, the Wular Barrage, the Siachen glacier, and the Baglihar dam. Additionally, India and Pakistan initiated several cross-border transport links, including the bus service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad, the Samjhauta Express, and the Thar Express.
While public opinion in both countries supported normalization, numerous terrorist attacks thwarted the peace process. The 2006 Non-Aligned Movement summit in Havana provided another opportunity for dialogue, where both leaders agreed to push the peace process forward despite setbacks.
India-China Relations:
The UPA government continued the momentum of improving bilateral ties with China, building on the foundation laid by the previous administration. In 2005, Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabao visited India, emphasizing economic and trade relations. This visit was followed by a visit from Chinese President Hu Jintao. In 2006, India’s Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee visited China, and the two countries agreed to enhance military cooperation. The same year, India and China reopened the Nathu La pass in Sikkim for trade, and China soon became India’s largest trade partner. The two countries also explored energy security cooperation, with discussions about jointly accessing global oil and gas resources.
India-Russia Relations:
India’s relationship with Russia continued to evolve, with a significant meeting between the leaders of India, China, and Russia at the 2008 G-20 summit in St. Petersburg. The discussions focused on issues such as reforming the international financial architecture and the need to adjust multilateral institutions to reflect shifting global power dynamics. This strategic convergence later led to the formation of the BRICS grouping, which brought together four fast-growing economies—Brazil, Russia, India, and China—and later expanded to include South Africa.
India-US Relations:
Under the UPA government, India-U.S. relations deepened significantly, with the decade marked by fundamental changes and developments in the bilateral relationship. The UPA built upon the cooperation that had begun during the NDA era, continuing the “Next Step in Strategic Partnership” (NSSP). Under the NSSP, India and the U.S. agreed to expand cooperation in civil nuclear energy, space research, and trade in high-tech areas.
A landmark achievement of this era was the India-U.S. Civil Nuclear Deal of 2005, which allowed India to gain access to advanced nuclear technologies and supplies, while implicitly recognizing India as a nuclear weapons state. This deal was a major breakthrough, though the implementation of nuclear cooperation did not proceed as expected, with India not yet having purchased any nuclear reactors under the agreement.
The ten years of UPA rule saw subtle but important transformations in India’s foreign policy. These changes allowed India to move beyond the shadow of the Cold War and engage more actively in global economic and strategic affairs. The UPA’s foreign policy not only focused on economic cooperation but also addressed India’s geostrategic interests, making foreign policy an integral instrument for advancing national goals.
India’s Foreign Policy Under NDA – II
Under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India’s foreign policy has reached new heights. After Jawaharlal Nehru, Modi may well be the most active Prime Minister in pursuing a robust and dynamic foreign policy. Not only has he relied on his foreign policy apparatus, including his foreign minister, to implement his vision of a more engaged India on the global stage, but he has personally taken on the responsibility of visiting numerous countries to foster international relationships. In fact, Modi has likely traveled to more countries on official visits than any other Prime Minister in India’s history.
During Modi’s tenure, India’s global standing has risen significantly. Relations with many countries, including Japan, have evolved from routine interactions to strategic partnerships. India’s foreign policy has resonated strongly with neighboring countries, such as China, whose leadership has made frequent visits to India. Modi has also been adept at leveraging the influence of India’s vast diaspora, gaining support from Indian communities around the world. His effective use of soft power has garnered substantial global backing, allowing India to expand its international influence and strengthen its diplomatic ties with a wide range of nations.
Conclusion
The evolution of India’s foreign policy can be seen as a story of continuous reinvention, reflecting the country’s changing interactions with the rest of the world. Navigating the constraints of both domestic and international factors, Indian foreign policy has consistently helped the nation overcome various challenges since its independence. From the complex dynamics of the Cold War to today’s multipolar world, India’s foreign policy has worked to safeguard the country’s national interests.
Despite the notable failure of India’s foreign policy in preventing its defeat during the 1962 war with China, the dynamism of its diplomatic approach has ensured that India has maintained a prominent and respected position in the international arena. Thanks to its strategic vision and consistent efforts, India is now recognized as one of the world’s major powers, whose views and opinions are considered crucial on all significant global issues.
References
- Aparna Pande, From Chanakya to Modi: The Evolution of India’s Foreign Policy, New Delhi: Harper, 2017.
- Sumit Ganguly (ed.), India’s Foreign Policy: Retrospect and Prospect, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012.
- V N Khanna, India’s Foreign Policy, New Delhi: Vikas, 2016.
- Srinath Raghavan, David M. Malone, and C. Raja Mohan (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Indian Foreign Policy, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2015.
- Harsh V. Pant, Indian Foreign Policy: An Overview, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016.
- Bimal Prasad, The Making of India’s Foreign Policy, New Delhi: Vitasta Publishing, 2012.
- B M Jain, Global Power: India’s Foreign Policy 1947-2006, Nagpur: Lexington Books, 2008.
- Sneh Mahajan, Foreign Policy of Colonial India, New Delhi: Routledge, 2008.