Evolution of India’s Foreign Policy

The evolution of India’s foreign policy can be traced back to the pre-independence period when, in 1932, the Indian National Congress established a foreign policy department, with Jawaharlal Nehru as its chairman and Ram Manohar Lohia as its secretary. No nation can afford an isolationist stance in the modern world, given the complexities of international relations. Global engagement serves not only to protect national interests but also to act as guardians of collective wisdom, promoting the well-being of humanity.

In India’s case, several factors have contributed to shaping its comprehensive foreign policy. These include the country’s vast size, rich diversity, historical and cultural ties, and the presence of numerous neighboring states. Furthermore, expectations from many Asian and African nations for India to champion their concerns, along with the global vision of its leaders, have all propelled India into a key role in international politics.

Two interconnected tendencies characterize the evolution of India’s foreign policy over time. First, during its formative post-independence years, India’s foreign policy was influenced more by moralistic ideals and global concerns than by national interest. In this early phase, idealism dominated over Realpolitik, as India sought to lead the newly-independent nations of Asia and Africa. This ambivalence, however, sometimes came at the expense of its own national interests, as evidenced by military and diplomatic setbacks.

Second, in the years following Nehru, India’s foreign policy became more attuned to the hard realities of national and global politics. While non-alignment remained central to its diplomatic identity, practical concerns led to shifts, such as the signing of the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace and Friendship in 1971, which marked a compromise on non-alignment. Although India’s national interests have remained consistent, the guiding principles and strategies of its foreign policy have evolved, demonstrating flexibility rather than rigidity.

This adaptability has been particularly important for a nation like India, which sees itself as an active participant in global affairs.

Genesis of India’s Foreign Policy

During the long years of British rule, the colonial government often thrust India into global politics, primarily to serve British national interests. Despite India having little direct stake in international affairs during the early 20th century, it was frequently drawn into international relations to bolster Britain’s position on key issues. Ironically, the positions articulated by the British on India’s behalf often conflicted with India’s own traditional philosophies and worldview. This disconnect eventually convinced the Indian National Congress to establish a foreign affairs department, allowing the party to take independent and informed stances on international matters. This marked the first step in the development of India’s foreign policy, with Jawaharlal Nehru leading Congress’s positions on global issues, distinct from those of the colonial government.

As the national movement gained strength and Congress became more involved in governing, India’s role in international affairs grew. A significant example of this was India’s participation in the San Francisco Conference, which led to the finalization and signing of the United Nations Charter after World War II.

By the time Jawaharlal Nehru became interim Prime Minister, his foreign policy vision had become sharper and more defined. In a broadcast on September 7, 1946, he laid out the guiding principles of India’s future foreign policy. Nehru’s idealistic vision sought to harmonize India’s national interests with global concerns, such as the end of colonialism, imperialism, racism, and the pursuit of non-alignment from Cold War power blocs. He also emphasized fostering solidarity among newly independent nations in Asia and Africa. Notably, Nehru envisioned a close friendship with neighboring countries, particularly China, even though this goodwill was not always reciprocated.

Nehru’s lofty idealism became a defining feature of India’s foreign policy, but it sometimes blinded him to the harsh realities of international politics, where powerful and ambitious nations often act ruthlessly to expand their influence, showing little remorse for their actions.

Indian Freedom Movement and the Foreign Policy Values

India’s civilizational values, philosophy, culture, and centuries of history have all contributed to shaping a unique Indian worldview. However, this long intellectual heritage also contains paradoxes and puzzles regarding India’s place and role in the world.

In more modern times, British colonial rule significantly influenced India’s global perspective. First, leaders of the freedom struggle saw India’s independence as inherently linked to the liberation of other colonized nations in Africa and Asia. They believed that India must serve as a catalyst for the freedom of these nations, understanding that India’s own freedom would remain threatened as long as colonialism and racism persisted in these regions. Second, the values of ahimsa (non-violence), satyagraha (truth-force), and swadeshi (self-reliance), which underpinned India’s freedom movement, were fundamental to its foreign policy, making it impossible to stray from these principles.

Third, the Indian independence movement was a mass movement, bringing together people from diverse castes, linguistic groups, and communities into a unified national struggle. Events like the 1905 partition of Bengal stirred deep emotions among the masses, and leaders such as Sri Aurobindo Ghosh, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi viewed the movement as a popular uprising. Over the decades, millions participated in protests, resisting the repression of the British administration.

Fourth, the long struggle for freedom instilled values that remain central to the Indian ethos today, such as equality, non-discrimination, freedom, social justice, and development for all. Mahatma Gandhi, having witnessed racism and apartheid in South Africa and the plight of Indian indentured laborers, ensured that these values became guiding principles of India’s foreign policy.

These circumstances led Mahatma Gandhi and other leaders to view India’s struggle as part of the broader fight for freedom and independence of all colonized and oppressed peoples. Jawaharlal Nehru, in a broadcast on September 7, 1946, articulated India’s worldview by emphasizing its commitment to the emancipation of colonial and dependent nations. He also condemned the Nazi doctrine of racialism, establishing a principle that would remain a cornerstone of Indian foreign policy.

India’s worldview, shaped during the freedom movement, was one of active engagement with the world on the basis of equality, freedom, and sovereignty. Nehru further outlined a pragmatic principle of foreign policy when he stated that independent India would not sever all ties with the British Commonwealth. Given India’s underdeveloped economy, it needed continued economic and trade ties with Britain and other Commonwealth nations for its development. Additionally, India’s military apparatus was deeply influenced by British structures, and Nehru recognized that a sudden break from these ties without adequate preparation could leave India vulnerable.

Indian National Congress and the Evolution of India’s Foreign Policy

The British colonial state introduced several systems and institutions that had a unifying effect on India, contributing to the rise of a national consciousness and the idea of India as a nation. These included the colonial administrative structure, the judiciary, the all-India civil service, the census system that categorized people by caste and religion, and the introduction of railways, the postal system, taxation reforms, new agricultural practices, and the establishment of textile mills and factories. This growing sense of “Indian” identity led to the formation of the Indian National Congress, which was itself a product of this national awakening.

The Indian National Congress regularly addressed international issues at its annual sessions, helping to shape India’s emerging worldview on nationalism and internationalism. In 1919, Mahatma Gandhi supported the restoration of the Caliphate in Turkey, combining this international issue with the Non-Cooperation Movement, which opposed British policies such as the Rowlatt Act and the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. At the 1920 Nagpur Session, Gandhi linked the demand for Swaraj (self-rule) with the Khilafat issue, adopting the non-cooperation strategy to achieve both goals.

As early as 1921, at the 36th Annual Session of the Congress in Ahmedabad, presided over by Hakim Ajmal Khan, the Congress passed a resolution on international developments. Gandhi emphasized the need for India to define its foreign policy, stating, “While we are maturing our plans for Swaraj, we are bound to consider and define our foreign policy. Surely, we are bound to authoritatively tell the world what relations we wish to cultivate with it.”

In the 1938 Haripura Session, Congress articulated two key principles—universal disarmament and collective security—as central to Indian foreign policy, even though the country was still a decade away from independence. These principles have remained cornerstones of Indian foreign policy. The resolution declared, “The people of India desire to live in peace and friendship with their neighbors and with all other countries, and for this purpose wish to remove all causes of conflict.” It also noted that universal disarmament and collective security were not possible under colonial domination and imperialistic rule, stressing that “imperialism and exploitation of one people by another must end” to establish lasting world peace.

The 55th Session in Jaipur in 1948 reaffirmed Congress’s commitment to promoting world peace, national freedom, racial equality, and the eradication of imperialism and colonialism. After India gained independence, the Congress continued to pass resolutions on international issues, maintaining a consistent focus on India’s global outlook.

India’s Foreign Policy under Nehru

Jawaharlal Nehru is widely regarded as the architect of India’s foreign policy. Serving as both Prime Minister and the country’s first Foreign Minister for an extended period, Nehru shaped India’s foreign policy in ways that continue to influence the nation more than seventy years after independence. Nehru is often seen as a staunch idealist, and many believe that his vision for India’s foreign policy reflected his moral worldview more than a pragmatic approach to advancing the country’s core national interests. He emphasized India’s commitment to Afro-Asian solidarity, positioning the country against imperialism and colonialism, and advocating for greater cooperation among newly independent nations in Asia and Africa.

When India gained independence, the Cold War was casting its shadow over global politics, pulling more countries into its orbit. In response, Nehru aligned with nations such as Egypt, Indonesia, and Yugoslavia to develop the policy of Non-Alignment. Conceptually, Non-Alignment represented the independence of developing nations to make autonomous decisions on global issues, free from the influence of either the Western or Eastern blocs. This policy became the doctrinal cornerstone of India’s foreign relations. Nehru also held a strong belief in the role of the United Nations as a guardian of international peace and security and an instrument for resolving global disputes. His decision to take the Kashmir issue to the UN Security Council in 1948 reflected this belief.

Regarding India’s relations with its neighbors, Nehru’s foreign policy was guided by the doctrine of Panchsheel, or the “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.” These principles were: mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, non-aggression, non-interference in internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. Nehru viewed Panchsheel as a key framework for building harmonious relations with India’s neighbors, particularly China. However, his trust in China’s adherence to Panchsheel proved costly when India suffered a defeat in the 1962 Sino-Indian War.

During its formative years, India’s foreign policy was shaped more by Nehru’s personal idealism and socialist values than by a hard-nosed drive to protect the country’s national interests in the often unforgiving realm of international politics. His vision, while noble, sometimes underestimated the geopolitical realities India faced, leading to significant challenges such as the conflict with China.

Nehruvian Consensus

Scholars and experts on Indian foreign policy often refer to the “Nehruvian Consensus,” which was built on the ideals and principles developed during India’s struggle for independence. This consensus drew heavily on values such as anti-racism, anti-apartheid, and anti-imperialism, which were inspired by the Gandhian worldview. Mahatma Gandhi viewed political freedom as a means to achieve moral and cultural regeneration of Indian society, and Jawaharlal Nehru embraced these Gandhian values, combining them with a vision of a modern, sovereign India focused on rapid economic development, poverty alleviation, and securing its rightful place on the global stage.

Nehru emphasized multilateralism, international law, collective security, diplomacy, peaceful resolution of disputes, disarmament, non-intervention, and respect for national sovereignty and territorial integrity in India’s foreign relations. Nehru, along with Subhash Chandra Bose and Rabindranath Tagore, had closely observed the ideological struggles between democracy, socialism, and fascism during the interwar period, which was marked by the use of brute force in international relations. Rejecting these power politics, Nehru recognized early on that the post-World War II order continued to operate on similar norms, as seen in the unfolding Cold War rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union. This realization led to Nehru’s insistence on pursuing a path of Non-Alignment.

While some scholars view Non-Alignment as idealistic or morally driven, others argue it was based on pragmatic realism. For a large country like India, capable of leading the developing world but lacking the material resources of a great power, Non-Alignment was a strategic response. India refused to align with either of the Cold War superpowers, instead advocating for independence and reason amidst a polarized global landscape. Non-Alignment was a rejection of bloc politics, proxy wars, military alliances, and the arms race.

There is ongoing debate among scholars on whether Nehru should be seen as an idealist, who sought to base Indian foreign policy on certain principles, or as a realist who prioritized diplomacy to navigate the dangers of the Cold War and a bipolar world. By grounding Indian foreign policy in the concept of Non-Alignment, Nehru sought to reshape the international system while protecting India’s national interests. This stance ensured India’s autonomy in foreign policy—a principle the country still values.

The “Nehruvian Consensus” dominated Indian foreign policy for nearly two decades after independence, shaping its goals, tools, and worldview. In an era marked by bloc politics, arms races, spheres of influence, and proxy wars, the Non-Aligned perspective guided India’s global outlook, providing a coherent view of world affairs and India’s role within it.

The debate over the “Nehruvian Consensus” remains unresolved. Some argue that India’s Non-Aligned stance in the 1950s and 1960s was pragmatic and realistic, the best option for a developing country grappling with national integration, democratic governance, and economic development. Proponents claim that Nehru’s approach secured India’s autonomy in external affairs and prevented the Cold War from overwhelming the country. It allowed India to seek U.S. assistance for industrialization and food security while maintaining good relations with the Soviet Union. India also sustained its stance on Jammu and Kashmir despite Pakistan’s alignment with the U.S.-led Baghdad Pact. With China, Nehru promoted the Panchsheel principles, and the “Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai” period served national security interests. By rallying the developing world in the UN and other international forums, India influenced global norms and values.

However, critics argue that the “Nehruvian Consensus” was idealistic and detached from the harsh realities of international relations, neglecting national security and leading to India’s defeat in the 1962 Sino-Indian war.

By the 1970s, significant changes in the international landscape, such as the intensification of the Cold War and the threat of “Mutually Assured Destruction” (MAD), limited the scope for Non-Alignment and Nehruvian diplomacy. Domestically, India’s capabilities had also evolved. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, a pragmatist and realist, adapted to this new world of realpolitik, leveraging India’s enhanced military, economic, and strategic capacities. The 1971 Indo-Soviet defense treaty, the liberation of Bangladesh, and the 1974 Pokhran nuclear tests marked a shift in India’s approach, showcasing its growing confidence on the global stage. Indira Gandhi skillfully garnered support from both the Non-Aligned Movement and the Soviet bloc, signaling the end of the “Nehruvian Consensus” in India’s foreign policy.

By the 1970s, the consensus on India’s international outlook and foreign policy choices had effectively dissolved.

India’s Foreign Policy during Cold War

Let’s explores the evolution and development of Indian foreign policy during the major period of the Cold War in the post-Nehruvian era, under the leadership of five Prime Ministers: Lal Bahadur Shastri, Indira Gandhi, Morarji Desai, Charan Singh, and Rajiv Gandhi.

After Nehru’s death, Lal Bahadur Shastri became Prime Minister, though his term was too short to leave a lasting impact on India’s foreign policy. However, his tenure was eventful enough to be significant in the evolution of India’s foreign policy. As a former member of Nehru’s government, it is likely that Shastri would not have made major changes to India’s foreign policy even if he had remained in office longer. Nonetheless, following India’s loss in the Sino-Indian War, there was a perception, especially among the Pakistani military, that India had become weakened. This led to a skirmish in the Rann of Kutch that escalated into the full-fledged Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. During this conflict, Shastri demonstrated remarkable courage, boosting the morale of the Indian army and leading the country to a decisive victory. Although the post-war peace talks at Tashkent were not entirely favorable to India, Shastri’s leadership during this crisis cemented his status as a heroic figure in both domestic and foreign affairs.

Indian foreign policy underwent significant shifts away from the “Nehruvian Consensus,” including Non-Alignment and the principles of Panchsheel, during Indira Gandhi’s tenure. Initially, she continued the traditional approach to foreign relations, but the limitations of Nehruvian policies became increasingly clear during the crisis in East Pakistan. Recognizing that India’s socialist orientation had already caused apprehension in the U.S., particularly under President Nixon, Gandhi felt compelled to abandon Non-Alignment and align more closely with the Soviet Union. In 1971, India signed a Treaty of Peace and Friendship with the Soviet Union, which provided crucial support during the Indo-Pakistani War and at the United Nations Security Council. This marked a paradigm shift in Indian foreign policy, moving it away from Nehruvian idealism to a more pragmatic approach focused on national interests. After the war, she signed the Shimla Agreement with Pakistani Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, aiming to shift the Kashmir issue from the UN to bilateral negotiations. She also dismantled the idealistic stance of India as a non-nuclear nation, overseeing India’s first nuclear test at Pokhran in 1974 to signal that India could no longer be considered a passive player. For the first time, India’s foreign policy reflected a realist approach, prioritizing national interests above all else.

The two-year rule of the Janata Party under Prime Ministers Morarji Desai and Charan Singh was largely uneventful in terms of foreign policy. Although the Desai government opposed the pro-Soviet tilt in Non-Alignment, it did not enact any major changes. Similarly, while there were calls to replace Non-Alignment with “genuine” Non-Alignment, this term was never clearly defined. During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, the Charan Singh government failed to take a decisive stand, partly due to its own instability. As a result, Indian foreign policy during the Janata years continued along the same lines as under Indira Gandhi. When Indira Gandhi returned to power in 1980, her foreign policy showed continuity with her previous term.

With the arrival of Rajiv Gandhi as Prime Minister in 1984 following his mother’s assassination, Indian foreign policy underwent some changes, though mostly cosmetic. Rajiv Gandhi appeared focused on resolving long-standing ethnic conflicts both within India and in its immediate neighborhood. Domestically, his tenure saw peace agreements like the Assam Accord, Mizo Accord, and the 1985 Rajiv-Longowal Accord to restore peace in Punjab. Externally, his most significant and ultimately fatal move was the signing of the Sri Lankan Peace Accord. This marked the first overtly interventionist action in India’s foreign relations, as India sent troops to Sri Lanka as part of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) to maintain peace in the northern part of the country. This intervention was viewed as an assault on the Tamil liberation movement in Sri Lanka, with Rajiv Gandhi bearing the blame. While the IPKF did not fully achieve its objectives and suffered heavy casualties, it marked a troubling and costly period in Indian foreign policy under Rajiv Gandhi’s leadership.

India’s Foreign Policy during 1990s

The 1990s were a decade of profound changes in the international landscape, which significantly impacted the evolution of Indian foreign policy. This period began with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, transforming the global political order from a bipolar to a unipolar system. The sudden collapse of the Soviet Union did not provide enough time for its allies, including India, to adjust their geopolitical strategies to the new realities of a unipolar world. This shift challenged two key foundations of Indian foreign policy: the policy of Non-Alignment and the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace and Friendship, which now risked being seen as outdated. Consequently, India had to realign its foreign policy focus to address the rapidly changing international environment.

The Indo-Soviet Treaty had previously provided India with a security shield. With the Soviet Union’s collapse, Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao’s government faced considerable pressure from the United States to dismantle its nuclear and missile programs. During Rao’s tenure, India’s foreign policy was often constrained by U.S. demands.

Amidst these uncertain and fluid circumstances, India also faced a severe domestic economic crisis, lacking sufficient foreign exchange to pay for its imports. In response, the Rao government initiated economic liberalization, marking a significant departure from the state-centric development strategy India had followed since independence. With globalization becoming a global trend, countries were liberalizing their economies and allowing market forces more freedom through privatization. For India, embracing liberalization, privatization, and globalization (LPG) was the only viable path forward.

In foreign economic policy, Rao’s government took a major step by announcing the “Look East” policy, recognizing the need for a liberalizing Indian economy to integrate with the dynamic economies of Southeast Asia and East Asia. The government also established diplomatic relations with Israel and, importantly, began formulating policies to combat cross-border terrorism, raising it as a security threat in international forums.

However, the economically weak Indian government also faced external pressures. As the sole superpower, the United States exerted pressure on India to open its economy to American exports and business interests and to roll back its nuclear program. India co-sponsored the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the Fissile Material Control Treaty (FMCT) with the U.S. During Rao’s tenure, India and the U.S. also initiated defense cooperation for the first time.

The latter half of the 1990s was marked by a period of coalition governments in India. The general election of May 1996 resulted in unstable coalition governments under three different prime ministers. Such governments, lacking a strong majority, were generally unable to implement radical changes in foreign policy. As a result, this period is characterized by continuity in Indian foreign policy, maintaining the existing consensus on the nation’s broader interests. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s government, formed in May 1996, lasted only 13 days. The United Front governments led by Prime Ministers Deve Gowda (June 1996 – April 1997) and I. K. Gujral (April 1997 – March 1998) also had brief tenures, and their foreign policy largely adhered to the established frameworks of the past.

Despite this continuity, Prime Minister I. K. Gujral, with his extensive experience and keen understanding of international affairs, introduced a significant new idea known as the “Gujral Doctrine.” The core principle of this doctrine was to extend benefits to neighboring countries, excluding Pakistan, on a non-reciprocal basis. The doctrine outlined five key principles:

  1. India would not ask for reciprocity but would offer all it could in good faith to neighbors like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, the Maldives, and Sri Lanka;
  2. no South Asian country would allow its territory to be used against the interests of another country in the region;
  3. countries would not interfere in each other’s internal affairs;
  4. each nation would respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of others; and
  5. all disputes would be resolved through peaceful bilateral negotiations.

India’s Foreign Policy during NDA-I

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government, under the leadership of the seasoned parliamentarian Atal Bihari Vajpayee, first came to power in 1998. Vajpayee led the NDA through three different governments in a relatively short period. He initially became Prime Minister on May 16, 1996, but resigned just 13 days later after failing to secure a majority in the Lok Sabha. Vajpayee returned as Prime Minister in 1998, but his government lasted only 13 months, losing a no-confidence motion by a single vote in 1999. Following fresh elections in 1999, he was sworn in as Prime Minister for a third time on October 13, 1999, and remained in office until the general elections of May 2004. Thus, Vajpayee served as Prime Minister during three separate periods: briefly in 1996, from 1998 to 1999, and from 1999 to 2004. The second phase of NDA rule began in 2014 with Narendra Modi as Prime Minister, continuing after their victory in the 2019 general elections.

Given the ideological and philosophical foundations of the BJP, which differ from those of the Congress Party, it is natural that the BJP-led NDA governments would have distinct perspectives on various domestic and foreign policies. However, it is important to note that a country’s foreign policy typically reflects a consensus among its stakeholders, meaning a change in government does not necessarily result in major shifts in foreign policy. Despite this, the NDA government under Prime Minister Vajpayee introduced significant changes to India’s strategic outlook. Aside from Vajpayee’s initial short stint of 13 days, his two distinct terms as Prime Minister were marked by important transformations in India’s foreign policy, reflecting the BJP’s ideological orientation.

From the outset, Vajpayee’s government favored closer cooperation with the United States while maintaining strong relations with the Russian Federation. The government also aimed to pursue a policy of good neighborly relations with South Asian countries, particularly Pakistan. One of the most notable actions during Vajpayee’s tenure was India’s nuclear tests at Pokhran in May 1998, which marked a decisive shift in India’s strategic posture.

When Vajpayee became Prime Minister for the second time in 1998, he led a coalition government of 13 political parties. However, this government lasted only 13 months. In the subsequent elections held in October 1999, the BJP-led NDA returned to power with an absolute majority.

Nuclear Test

During Vajpayee’s first 13-month tenure, the NDA government pursued two key initiatives: advancing India’s nuclear capabilities and building closer relations with Pakistan. The BJP had long advocated for India to become a nuclear weapons state, and on May 11, 1998, India conducted a series of three nuclear tests at Pokhran in Rajasthan. With these tests, known as Pokhran-II, India officially declared itself a nuclear weapons state. This was followed by the announcement of India’s nuclear doctrine, which included three key principles: a voluntary moratorium on further nuclear tests, a “no first use” policy, and maintaining a “minimum credible deterrence.”

Analysts have noted that India had previously attempted to conduct nuclear tests under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1982, and later under Prime Minister Narasimha Rao in 1995. However, on both occasions, American intelligence detected these plans and exerted pressure on India to halt the tests. The successful nuclear tests under Vajpayee’s leadership marked a significant achievement for the NDA government, as India declared itself a nuclear weapons state and sought recognition as a responsible member of the global nuclear community.

Despite a strong international backlash, including criticisms and sanctions, Indian political leadership and diplomacy were able to effectively manage and withstand the pressure, maintaining India’s stance and position on the world stage.

Indo-US Relations

During the tenure of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, several significant developments took place. After the Pokhran-II nuclear tests, India engaged the United States in a dialogue aimed at improving bilateral relations. This led to a better understanding within the U.S. leadership of India’s growing strategic importance. In March 2000, U.S. President Bill Clinton visited India, where India was able to articulate its complex strategic situation that had prompted it to go nuclear. The U.S. began to better appreciate India’s security concerns, particularly in the context of cross-border terrorism originating from Pakistan. Additionally, India’s liberalizing economy presented vast opportunities for American businesses in trade and investment. The U.S. also recognized India’s rising strategic importance, especially as a counterbalance to China’s emergence. India could serve as a key partner in ensuring a “peaceful rise” for China and anchoring U.S. interests in Asia.

Relations between India and the U.S. gained a new strategic dimension after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. The U.S. became more aware of the threat of international terrorism emanating from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border region. India pledged its support to the U.S. in the fight against international terrorism. The terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament on December 13, 2001, further underscored the threat of cross-border terrorism and the use of terrorism by Pakistan against India. The Bush administration began viewing India as a strategic partner for peace and security in Asia and the broader Indian Ocean region. With its large size and growing economic and military capabilities, India was seen as a vital partner for regional stability.

Under President George W. Bush, the U.S. initiated a strategic dialogue with India focused on three core areas: civilian nuclear technology, missile defense, and trade in dual-use technology. The Bush administration also lifted several sanctions that had been imposed after the Pokhran-II tests, although some restrictions remained. In February 2003, India and the U.S. signed a framework agreement to boost trade in high-technology sectors, which included discussions on nuclear safeguards and technology safety issues. This dialogue laid the groundwork for the landmark U.S.-India civil nuclear agreement, which was signed in 2005 under the subsequent United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government led by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.

India-Pakistan Relations

Prime Minister Vajpayee once remarked, “You can change friends, not neighbours.” Recognizing this geographic reality, he made an unprecedented effort to improve relations with Pakistan. He took a symbolic bus trip to Lahore to meet with the Pakistani Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif. After their meeting, Sharif expressed hope that it would be a year of decisive action on the long-standing Kashmir issue. However, this optimism was short-lived.

In May 1999, the Kargil War broke out when it was discovered that Pakistani troops had occupied strategic heights in the Kargil region. This conflict marked the first military confrontation between two nuclear-armed countries. Soon after, Pakistan underwent a political shift when Army Chief General Pervez Musharraf overthrew Nawaz Sharif’s elected government in October 1999. Despite this setback, Prime Minister Vajpayee made another attempt to normalize relations by inviting Musharraf to Agra in early 2001. However, these efforts failed, as Pakistan continued to insist that the “core” issue of Jammu and Kashmir be resolved first.

The situation further deteriorated following the terrorist attack on the Indian Parliament on December 13, 2001, leading to a prolonged period of strained relations between the two countries. Meanwhile, India moved closer to the United States, seeking a strategic partnership.

India’s Foreign Policy During UPA

For ten years (2004-2014), the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA), under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, guided Indian foreign policy. Given that the foundational contours of India’s foreign policy had been shaped by Congress governments over different periods, there was little chance of a radical departure from the conventional norms governing the country’s external affairs. However, the UPA government maintained its commitment to several foreign policy traditions from the past, even if some seemed outdated in the changing context of international politics. A notable example of this adherence to past policy was the continued emphasis on Non-Alignment. Thus, a marked departure from the established norms of Indian foreign policy was unlikely during the UPA’s tenure.

That said, the UPA era was not without significant developments in foreign policy. The government introduced new elements within the traditional framework of Indian foreign policy to adapt to the evolving dynamics of global politics. While many of the UPA’s initiatives were innovative, some reflected a break from past practices to better align foreign policy with national interests. To understand these changes, we can examine some continuities with the past and new directions taken by Indian foreign policy during the UPA’s rule.

One of the major shifts in India’s foreign policy under the UPA government was the reorientation from geostrategic to economic goals. In a globalizing world where economic relations had become a top priority for all countries, the UPA government was no exception; it aimed to use foreign policy as a tool to advance India’s economic interests worldwide. A high rate of sustained economic growth was central to India’s aspirations as an emerging global power. Two notable examples of this reorientation were the ‘Look East’ policy and India’s membership in groups like BRICS. The ‘Look East’ policy sought to position India as a key partner in the dynamic growth of East Asian economies, while platforms like BRICS aimed to coordinate efforts among non-Western countries to reform global governance structures.

Beyond economic goals, Indian foreign policy during the UPA period also made significant progress in gaining access to restrictive technology regimes.

Since the 1990s, India’s foreign policy has become deeply institutionalized, with various mechanisms and departments facilitating long-term policy formulation. In an unpredictable and rapidly changing global environment, ad hoc approaches or decisions based on personal preferences are insufficient. Instead, effective foreign policy requires agility and responsiveness to international developments to safeguard national interests. The UPA government maintained continuity from the previous National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government in its relations with neighboring countries and major powers, including the United States and Russia. There were several notable foreign policy developments during the UPA’s decade in power.

India-Pakistan Relations

In September 2004, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh met with Pakistan’s President General Pervez Musharraf on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly session in New York. Both leaders reaffirmed their commitment to resolving all issues, including Kashmir, through peaceful means. The Indian Prime Minister emphasized that in a globalized world, borders should become less significant. Several confidence-building measures (CBMs) were agreed upon to ease border tensions, resulting in a reduction of troops in Kashmir that year. Key CBMs were also reached in the nuclear sector.

The two sides agreed to discuss boundary disputes, including those over the Sir Creek area, where there is a maritime boundary conflict, as well as the Wular Barrage and Tulbul navigation project. Other issues on the table included the demilitarization of Siachen and the Baglihar Dam. Additionally, the two countries agreed to launch a bus service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad, as well as the Samjhauta Express train service between Wagah and Attari, followed by the Thar Express connecting Rajasthan and Sindh. In 2005, another bus service was initiated, linking Amritsar with Nankana Sahib.

During this period, there was notable public support on both sides for normalizing relations and resolving bilateral disputes. However, despite this, the trust deficit between the two countries remained, exacerbated by several terrorist incidents that hindered the peace process. Another opportunity for dialogue arose at the Non-Aligned Movement summit in Havana in 2006, where the two leaders agreed to renew their efforts to push the peace process forward.

India-China Relations

The UPA government continued to build on the momentum of its predecessor in strengthening bilateral ties with China, even giving them an additional push. In 2005, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao visited India, and the joint statement emphasized the importance of enhancing economic and trade relations. Wen Jiabao’s visit was followed by a visit from President Hu Jintao. In 2006, India’s Defence Minister, Pranab Mukherjee, traveled to China, where both countries agreed to boost military cooperation as part of the bilateral confidence-building measures (CBM) process. That same year, they also agreed to reopen the Nathu La pass in Sikkim for trade.

Trade quickly became the driving force behind the relationship, with China emerging as India’s largest trading partner in the following years—a status it still held in 2019. Energy security also became an area of mutual interest, and for a brief period in 2005-06, India pursued an ‘oil diplomacy’ strategy. The idea was that India and China, as major energy consumers, could collaborate to secure access to global oil and gas resources.

India-Russia Relations

In 2008, the leaders of India, China, and Russia held a significant meeting on the sidelines of the G-20 summit in St. Petersburg. This meeting marked the beginning of a gradual convergence of viewpoints on key global issues, including the need for reforms in the international financial architecture and changes in the U.S. and other multilateral institutions to better reflect the shifting power dynamics of the early 21st century. This strategic alignment eventually led to the formation of the BRIC group, consisting of Brazil, Russia, India, and China—four emerging powers with rapidly growing economies. A few years later, South Africa joined the group, transforming it into BRICS.

India-US Relations

India-US relations gained significant momentum under the UPA government, marking a period of fundamental change and progress in bilateral ties. The ten-year UPA rule is notable for the transformative developments in this relationship. A foundation of military cooperation had already been established during the NDA government, and this continued to grow under the second phase of the Next Step in Strategic Partnership (NSSP). The NSSP emphasized that its implementation would bring substantial economic benefits to both countries while enhancing regional and global economic security. In January 2004, as part of the NSSP, India and the US agreed to expand cooperation in key areas such as civil nuclear energy, space research, and high-tech trade.

A landmark initiative during this period was the 2005 India-US Civil Nuclear Deal, which enabled India to join an elite group of nations with access to advanced nuclear technology and supplies. Implicitly, the deal also marked a US acknowledgment of India as a nuclear weapons state. Despite this diplomatic achievement, full cooperation in the civilian nuclear energy sector has yet to materialize, as India has not purchased any nuclear reactors under the agreement.

During the UPA’s tenure, India’s foreign policy underwent subtle yet significant shifts, moving away from its Cold War-era alignments. UPA initiatives transformed foreign policy into a key tool for fostering economic cooperation, while maintaining its focus on safeguarding India’s geostrategic interests.

India’s Foreign Policy under NDA-II

Indian foreign policy has reached new heights under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Since Nehru, Modi stands out as one of the few Prime Ministers who has demonstrated such a strong commitment to pursuing an assertive and dynamic foreign policy. He has not only utilized the existing foreign policy apparatus, including his foreign minister, to implement his vision of India playing a more active role on the global stage, but he has also personally undertaken the responsibility of engaging with as many nations as possible. Few, if any, of his predecessors have embarked on as many official visits abroad as Modi.

Under his leadership, India’s stature within the international community has significantly risen. Relations with countries like Japan have evolved from being routine to becoming strategic partnerships. Modi’s foreign policy has made substantial headway with neighboring countries, including China, whose top leaders have increasingly visited India. Additionally, Modi has successfully leveraged the vast Indian diaspora, previously an underutilized asset, to gain support for India globally. His adept use of soft power has greatly benefited India, fostering stronger international ties and alliances.

India’s foreign policy under the second term of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA-II) government, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been marked by several key features and significant developments. Building upon the foundation laid during NDA-I, the government has sought to establish India as a major global player, emphasizing a proactive, pragmatic, and multi-aligned approach to international relations. Here are some notable aspects of India’s foreign policy during NDA-II:

1. Act East Policy

NDA-II continued to strengthen its engagement with East and Southeast Asian nations through the Act East Policy, aiming to deepen economic, strategic, and cultural ties with countries like Japan, ASEAN members, and Australia. The policy focused on regional cooperation, maritime security in the Indo-Pacific, and countering China’s growing influence.

2. Strengthening Relations with Major Powers

  • United States: India’s relationship with the U.S. continued to thrive, with increased defense cooperation and strategic alignment. India signed critical defense agreements such as the COMCASA (Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement) and BECA (Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement), enhancing military collaboration.
  • Russia: While nurturing ties with the U.S., India maintained its traditional relationship with Russia, evident in deals like the S-400 missile system purchase, despite U.S. sanctions under CAATSA.
  • European Union: India enhanced its partnership with the EU, focusing on trade, climate change, and multilateralism, with key interactions through summits and bilateral meetings with countries like France and Germany.

3. Neighborhood First Policy

India placed renewed emphasis on fostering closer ties with its neighbors in South Asia under the “Neighborhood First” policy. This approach prioritized regional stability and cooperation, although challenges persisted, particularly with Pakistan and China.

  • Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Maldives: Relations with these countries improved, marked by cooperative agreements in areas like trade, defense, and infrastructure.
  • Pakistan: Tensions with Pakistan remained high, especially following the Pulwama attack in 2019 and India’s subsequent Balakot airstrike. Diplomatic ties were strained, with little progress in bilateral talks.
  • China: The India-China relationship became increasingly complicated, culminating in the 2020 Galwan Valley clash, which led to heightened tensions and a military standoff in Ladakh.

4. Indo-Pacific Strategy

NDA-II significantly emphasized the Indo-Pacific as a strategic theatre, seeking to balance China’s assertive rise. India actively participated in multilateral forums like the Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) alongside the U.S., Japan, and Australia, positioning itself as a key player in maintaining a free, open, and rules-based Indo-Pacific region.

5. Soft Power Diplomacy

India’s soft power received a considerable boost during NDA-II through cultural diplomacy, particularly the promotion of yoga, Ayurveda, and Indian cultural traditions globally. Events like International Yoga Day became symbols of India’s cultural outreach. Furthermore, Prime Minister Modi’s outreach to the Indian diaspora played a critical role in strengthening India’s influence abroad.

6. COVID-19 Diplomacy

During the COVID-19 pandemic, India engaged in robust “Vaccine Maitri” diplomacy, providing vaccines to neighboring countries and developing nations around the world. This humanitarian outreach helped bolster India’s image as a responsible global leader, although the country later faced domestic criticism due to vaccine shortages.

7. Multilateralism and Global Governance

India continued to push for reforms in global governance institutions, particularly advocating for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. It also engaged actively in multilateral forums like BRICS, G-20, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), promoting global cooperation on issues like climate change, terrorism, and trade.

8. Economic Diplomacy and Trade Relations

NDA-II worked to strengthen economic ties with key partners, including attempts to revive stalled free trade agreements with the EU and other regions. However, challenges such as protectionist policies and the withdrawal from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in 2019 reflected a cautious approach towards multilateral trade pacts.

9. Defense Diplomacy and Self-Reliance

India’s focus on defense diplomacy grew, with initiatives aimed at strengthening defense ties with key global powers while pushing for indigenization and self-reliance in defense production. The “Atmanirbhar Bharat” campaign in defense manufacturing was launched to reduce dependency on foreign arms and boost domestic capabilities.

10. Climate Change and Environmental Diplomacy

India continued its commitment to climate action under the Paris Agreement and played a leading role in global climate negotiations. The International Solar Alliance (ISA), launched during NDA-I, became a major platform for India to promote sustainable energy solutions, gaining support from several countries.

In summary, India’s foreign policy under NDA-II has been characterized by a blend of assertive diplomacy, strategic alignment with key powers, and a strong emphasis on soft power. While challenges remain in certain areas, especially in relations with Pakistan and China, India’s global stature has risen, making it a key player in international politics during this period.

Conclusion

The evolution of India’s foreign policy has been a continuous process of redefining the nation’s engagement with the global community. Navigating through the complexities of both domestic and international factors, India’s foreign policy has successfully guided the country through various challenges it has faced as an independent nation. From the tense dynamics of the Cold War to the present-day multipolar world, India’s foreign policy has consistently worked to safeguard the nation’s interests. Apart from the notable setback during the war with China, where diplomatic efforts failed to prevent defeat, India’s foreign policy has demonstrated resilience and adaptability, earning the country a respected position in global affairs, even in the most difficult circumstances. It is largely due to this diplomatic dynamism that India is now regarded as a significant global power whose opinions and perspectives are sought on major international issues.

References

  1. Aparna Pande, From Chankya to Modi: The Evolution of India’s Foreign Policy, New Delhi: Harper, 2017
  2. Sumit Ganguly (ed.), India’s Foreign Policy: Retrospect and Prospect, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012.
  3. V N Khanna, India’s Foreign Policy, New Delhi: Vikas, 2016
  4. Srinath Raghavan, David M. Malone and C. Raja Mohan (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Indian
  5. Foreign Policy, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2015.
  6. Harsh V. Pant, Indian Foreign Policy: An Overview, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016.
  7. Bimal Prasad, The Making of India’s Foreign Policy, New Delhi: Vitasta Publishing, 2012
  8. B M Jain, Global Power: India’s Foreign Policy 1947-2006, Nagpur: Lexington Books, 2008
  9. Sneh Mahajan, Foreign Policy of colonial India, New Delhi: Routledge, 2008

Shopping Cart
Scroll to Top